
Bronwyn Eyre is a former Saskatchewan Minister of Energy and Resources for four years. She has also held the portfolios of Justice & Attorney General, Education, Advanced Education, SaskPower, SaskEnergy, SaskWater and Status of Women. She resides in Saskatoon.

The Supreme Court of Canada is seen on Friday, June 16, 2023 in Ottawa. THE CANADIAN PRESS/Adrian Wyld
Editor’s note: Next week Pipeline Online will be running an in-depth series of stories on the current action before the courts seeking an injunction that would stop Saskatchewan’s recently announced plan to rejuvenate its coal fleet dead in its tracks. As former Attorney General and Minister of Justice Bronwyn Eyre was instrumental in laying the legal groundwork for Saskatchewan to take those actions, her writing here is applicable to that injunction action, and will be referenced in that series.
This piece was commisioned by the Aristotle Foundation, for which Eyre has been recently signed on as a fellow.
To understand how politicized Canada’s courts have become, one must understand how judges once viewed their role—not as policymakers, but interpreters of laws and the Constitution.
That was then. Post-Charter (also introduced in 1982), too many judges have internalized the “living tree doctrine”—that the Constitution continually adapts to “evolving” social and political contexts—and are increasingly advancing expansive positions based on political ideology.
The result is that governments, elected to pass legislation, are unable to tackle important issues from homelessness to climate policy without being overruled by the courts. They are spending millions fighting Charter challenges—often brought by only a handful of complainants.
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According to Ecojustice lawyer Fraser Thomson, who represented the activists, the ruling “effectively boxes Ontario in and subjects its climate record to full Charter scrutiny.” The Supreme Court recently denied Ontario’s appeal request in the case, which is now heading back to court. This, as similar youth-led climate cases are making their way through the courts in other provinces.
Courts ought not be the exclusive arbiters of social and economic policy—genuine concerns about issues such as climate policy or homelessness notwithstanding.
So, what to do?
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For now, premiers are increasingly looking to the Notwithstanding Clause. Routinely called the “nuclear option,” it’s actually a perfectly legitimate use of Section 33 of the Charter—and the most powerful tool governments have to assert parliamentary sovereignty.
A constitutional scholar and former NDP premier of Saskatchewan, Allan Blakeney, would agree. Blakeney fought hard for the clause’s inclusion in the Charter and wrote, in 2010, that the state could invoke it for “economic or social reasons, or because other rights are more important.”
Let’s not forget that from 1982 to 1985, Quebec “notwithstood” everything—and that doesn’t mean one must agree with its every usage. The point, a la Blakeney, is that it is the only mechanism to reassert some parliamentary supremacy. More recently, Quebec and Alberta have talked about forming an “autonomy alliance,” which would create a “special deliberation mechanism for legislative bills and include the Notwithstanding Clause to dissuade court challenges.”
If only such a mechanism could reform federal catch-and-release laws.
In 2023, Justice Harrison Arrell released violent offender Randall McKenzie, citing Criminal Code-embedded bail rules that mandate “vulnerable population” considerations. “It’s a very iffy case,” Arrell wrote. “I appreciate all the violence in his record, but part of that is his native background, education and employment opportunities.”
Six months later, McKenzie killed OPP Constable Greg Pierzchala. The shocking case highlighted 2018 federal Criminal Code amendments, which codified the “principle of restraint”—that bail must be granted at the “earliest possible opportunity” on the “least onerous conditions.”
Despite limited subsequent tweaks to the Criminal Code by the federal government, nothing fundamentally has changed.
When asked whether Canada is “soft on crime,” Sean Fraser, Canada’s new minister of justice and attorney general, said we “can’t operate in the space of slogans and soundbites.”
Indeed.
Hon. Bronwyn Eyre, LLB, is a Senior Fellow with the Aristotle Foundation for Public Policy, Saskatchewan’s former minister of justice and attorney general—the first female to hold each position—and a former long-serving minister of energy.
Eyre is co-host of the Pipeline Online Podcast.
- 0093 Estevan OTS 20250093 Estevan OTS 2025
- 0101 VP Energy Road to adventure0101 VP Energy Road to adventure
- 0100 Turnbull Project Manager0100 Turnbull Project Manager
- 0099 Mryglod Steel 1080p0099 Mryglod Steel 1080p
- 0097 Eagle Sky Ventures LTD0097 Eagle Sky Ventures LTD
- 0095 Fast Trucking nearly 70 years good at it0095 Fast Trucking nearly 70 years good at it
- 0053 Kingston Midstream Westspur Alameda Click Before You Dig0053 Kingston Midstream Westspur Alameda Click Before You Dig
- 0092 Turnbull projects big and small0092 Turnbull projects big and small
- 0046 City of Estevan This is Estevan Teaser0046 City of Estevan This is Estevan Teaser
- 0087 Lori Carr Coal Expansion0087 Lori Carr Coal Expansion
- 0077 Caprice Resources Stand Up For Free Speech0077 Caprice Resources Stand Up For Free Speech
- 0076 Latus only0076 Latus only
- 0061 SIMSA 2024 For Sask Buy Sask0061 SIMSA 2024 For Sask Buy Sask
- 0055 Smart Power Be Smart with your Power office0055 Smart Power Be Smart with your Power office
- 0051 JML Hiring Pumpjack assembly0051 JML Hiring Pumpjack assembly
- 0049 Scotsburn Dental soft guitar0049 Scotsburn Dental soft guitar
- 0041 DEEP Since 2018 now we are going to build0041 DEEP Since 2018 now we are going to build
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- 0022 Grimes winter hiring
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- 0018 IWS Hiring Royal Summer
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